Imran Khan at his Bani Gala residence | Tanveer Shahzad, White Star
Second, PTI detractors ought to honestly concede that almost all the problems that the party’s government faces – institutional decline, economic fragility and frayed foreign relations – are the direct outcome of inept governance by the very political parties they defend, if not wholly subscribe to. Let us also not forget our long-standing challenges of civil-military imbalance, the corporate agendas and turf management on the part of the deep state and a highly volatile neighbourhood — all of which combine to make democratic sustainability in Pakistan incredibly tough. To expect overnight miracles – even if Imran Khan and Co. naively or capriciously promised these – is quixotic. In other words, PTI definitely deserves to be cut some slack. Governing Pakistan is no walk in the woods as the party likely is realising now.
While being preoccupied with denouncing everyone preceding it for involvement in corruption, the PTI leadership has by and large been silent on how it intends to tackle the three phenomena that pose serious existentialist threats to Pakistan — the overreaching deep state, growing religious radicalism and the impending meltdown of the formal legal system (despite having the word insaf or justice in its name). Recently, Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan’s excessive religion-inspired vitriol and adventurism brought about a clampdown on its leaders and cadres but no serious political commentator ascribes it to the PTI’s resolve. Instead, the consensus is that Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan crossed a red line when it abused the army leadership. It is also hard to forget Imran Khan’s past apologia for and his generally placatory approach towards dogmatic and at times highly aggressive religious forces.
In short, critics point out that he takes great pains to stay on the right side of the junta, the religious clerics and the judges. His defenders, in turn, question his critics (and it is a legitimate question) as to what choice does he have. They go on to cynically ask as to who among those who have survived Pakistan’s politics has not been compelled to do the same. Imran Khan’s critics, however, retort that since he has been elevated by his supporters to such an unassailable stature, surely he ought to rise above being a mere survivor like his compromised predecessors.
While these exchanges continue, reality once again remains more entangled. Admittedly, there appears to be no transparent and uncompromising way to attaining power in our murky political milieu. Arguably, this is largely true for almost everywhere. Perhaps, what is of overriding consequence is that, despite making certain not-so-insubstantial compromises, Imran Khan will look to become stronger and more self-assured in order to ultimately unshackle his own politics and thereby also unshackle Pakistan’s politics as a whole. Conversely, if he picks and fights all his battles now, he is fairly unlikely to last the distance. After all, others before him, more gifted than him, failed, were jailed, and were even executed for their troubles.
One sincerely hopes, though, that Imran Khan recognises these challenges and is merely biding his time to fight another day. For unless he is incredibly naïve or opportunistic, he too will soon realise how untrustworthy the aforementioned bedfellows are, with their entrenched ideological, commercial and political agendas and interests. Also, if he is perceptive and just, he ought to recognise that castigating all politics and politicians is not just unfair but also self-destructive. For one day he too may be unceremoniously cast aside by those who have historically controlled the state despite having no legitimate mandate to do so.
The mullahs that PTI opportunistically supported have already provided a flavour of how disruptive they can be. Imran Khan ought to know also that we live in even more deceitful times than those of Ziaul Haq’s because the way to attain the unconstitutional now is through the patently constitutional. The same Articles 62 and 63 of the Constitution that appear fashioned from gold thread could well sound the death knell for his political career, orchestrated by the junta and rung by a judiciary that is beginning to resemble the judiciary of old. The media being muzzled under his watch will be too feeble to come to his rescue when the crisis comes. The survival of PTI’s politics lies in the survival of Pakistan’s larger politics. Civilian governments always live on borrowed time. Quicker the realisation, greater the chance of survival.
Is it all doom and gloom? Not quite.
All said and done we now have PTI as a third major political party – apart from the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PMLN) – in the fray that can deepen political discourse and competition. PTI has already successfully galvanised various sections of urban society, especially the young. It has motivated more people to get engaged with politics. It has raised overall expectations, and for many, it has rekindled hope. It has brought forth some new faces though it still clings on to far too many jaded ones.
Similarly, Imran Khan was and remains one of the most globally recognised, and respected, Pakistanis. In his past lives, he has demonstrated will and perseverance, courted challenges and got the job done. He retains charisma, can and does inspire many and is not part of any traditional cartel of crony capitalism. The 2018 elections are tainted but there is also no denying the palpable wave of support that he generated that saw him through, albeit narrowly.
Going forward, it is vital for Imran Khan to change tack. Whatever he says and does from hereon ought to promote political institutions, culture, debate and pluralism rather than denude them. Most notably, he has to now venerate, strengthen, and empower Parliament. This is especially necessary given his past record of regularly undermining this vital democratic institution. He also needs to decentralise power within PTI, delegate more responsibilities to capable people and help the party outgrow the personality cult that it started out as. Not only within PTI, he also has to demonstrate unflinching commitment to decentralisation of power to provinces and local governments — which is the way forward to a prosperous and sustainable federation. Any ill-intentioned counsellors urging greater centralisation of power and rollback of the 18th Constitutional Amendment need to be firmly resisted — their counsel is blind to clear-cut lessons from history as well as contemporary global trends.
Imran Khan has to ensure the same fairness in political accountability of his opponents that he would expect for himself. He needs to spurn inquisitorial impulses. He has to recognise that mere rhetoric only helps whet the nation’s appetite. If its desires for greater prosperity, equality, peace and justice are to be truly sated, that would require a lot of seemingly dull but incredibly hard, rigorous, consistent and often highly specialised work. The sooner PTI graduates from words and claims to actions and delivery, the higher its chances of success.
A wealth of Pakistani talent is available to PTI at home and abroad. Talented people would happily contribute if courted and engaged with meritoriously, respectfully and professionally. Imran Khan needs to delegate, and delegate wisely. He also needs to be more considered in terms of what he claims, alleges and promises. The game plans and blueprints put forward by PTI so far are hardly stellar. Many in his team are below par, a liability, downright embarrassing or reek of nepotism — or all of the above. To survive and to flourish, PTI needs to pick a much more exciting and outstanding team that talks less, engages widely and deeply, and sticks unwaveringly to well-thought-through plans.
The time for politics of attrition is over now. It is time for solid governance. In many ways, this also means that Imran Khan and PTI should, from hereon, focus far less on his remarkable personal charisma and past triumphs. Instead, all that really matters now is sustained and dogged party work and hard-won collective victories.
The writer has been the inaugural Henry J.Steiner visiting professor on human rights at the Harvard Law School.
This article was published in the Herald's January 2019 issue. To read more subscribe to the Herald in print.