Imran Khan's sister, Aleema Khan, speaks to PTI workers after the killing of its member, Zahra Shahid Hussain on May 20, 2013, in Karachi | White Star
It is an interesting fact about Pakistan today that many of the people whose life experiences are furthest removed – in terms of geography or lifestyle – from the world inhabited by the Taliban (or other groups that believe in enforcing a faith-based agenda) are least enthusiastic about action taken against such groups,tending to favour pacifist policies, if not passivist ones.While operations against the Taliban have largely failed to garner unequivocal support from the general public, it may sometimes be observed that lower middle-class political forces can display greater alacrity in con-fronting such groups than upper middle-class ones.While religion continues to pervade all aspects of personal and public life, much of the Pakistani youth growiing up in the post-Zia era can be said to have experienced a greater degree of personal freedom in certain respects, such as the intermingling of the sexes in educational institutions and in the workplace.
In the major urban centres of Pakistan, despite loud cries of ‘Talibanisation’ and ‘radicalisation’, and the regular trauma of suicide bombings, the prospect of being forced to carry out a major transformation of one’s lifestyle hardly seems imminent, particularly in more upper middle-class areas. A sense of oppression maybe felt more keenly in other areas, unless people’s own links with particular religious groups and sympathy with their world view serves to preclude such a sense. And often enough, except over the use and export of terror tactics, worldviews may not radically differ.
Hence, while it may be easy to distinguish between terrorist and non-terrorist, it is extremely difficult to draw lines of liberal vs conservative, moderate vs Islamist, progressive vs reactionary, rightist vs leftist,and even traditional vs Westernised in today's Pakistan. An upper-class woman who is allowed to dress just as she likes may not be encouraged to drive a car or go out to work; by contrast, a lower middle-class woman may be allowed to make use of public transport to travel to work or university, while being encouraged to wear the chaadar or abaaya to guard against her unaccompanied state.
Malala Yousafzai,shining beacon of progressive principles in Pakistan and the world over, wears a chaadar (and now a hijab),and her father, who has been lauded by so many for championing the right to progress and education of his own daughter and those of others, is accused by some of keeping his wife in parda(hidden from public view).Does that make his family liberal or conservative?
Putting Khan and his party in a box presents similar difficulties. “The Taliban see me as a liberal and the liberals see me as a fundamentalist,” he tells me. He doesn’t appear overly perturbed about the confusion being created. His politics since 9/11 have maddened a section of the class seen as the traditional liberal elite of the country, a section Khan labels ‘liberal fascists’ because of their support of the war against the Taliban. Khan, on the other hand, is another kind of liberal — one of pro-found proportions. A sort of spiritual Arundhati Roy of Pakistani politics, except not nearly so articulate and rather less cosmopolitan in focus. More than any other local issue,
Khan’s book is dominated by anxieties about the ‘war on terror’, particularly its impact on the tribal areas to which he traces his own familial roots. On all other matters of governance, he may be content to listen to and follow the lead of experts within and without his party. The issue of the tribal areas, though, is clearly a more personal quest.He attributes this quest to his own more Western background: “Muslims who have grownup and been educated in the West have a greater awareness of the ways in which human rights laws are broken in the name of ‘war in terror’ than many of those living in Muslim countries.” Khan is,in fact, a very Western sort of liberal.
If the primary concern of the Pakistani liberal of the traditional kind is striving to reverse the damage done by Bhutto and Zia’s ‘Islamisation’ drive, and to keep at bay forces of religious oppression and a blind hatred of all things non-Islamic or Western,Khan’s primary concern is to argue against a blind imitation of all things Western and to work to ensure fair treatment of Muslims in global affairs.He is concerned about Malala Yousafzai; yet this is not his pet peeve. For playing up the Malala issue won’t help his primary concern of building a positive, civilised image of Islam in the West, and compelling the West to give greater respect to practicing Muslims, while encouraging those same Muslims to also value their own culture.
Hence the emphasis on pride in his slogan ‘Justice, Humanity, Self-Esteem’. Between the local liberal and the Western liberal, the difference, it would appear, is one of geography. And yet no longer one of geography. Much of the youth in Pakistan today follows the foreign news –particularly where it pertains to the wider Muslim world – more closely than they follow strictly local events.
For many young Pakistani reporters,whether they belong to the English press or the Urdu, the topic of Af-Pak offers far greater glamour and excitement than devolution and the 18th Amendment or issues affecting agricultural policy. For the new liberal Pakistani, the agenda is often set by international papers. As far as Khan’s own reading habits are concerned, he reads Mohammad Abduh, Michael Scheuer, Mullah Zaeef, Malalai Joya, Graham Fuller, and George Makdisi; and when I ask about the local scholars and writers he admires, he readily admits that he reads hardly any Urdu, and hasn’t read much in the way of local English scholarship either.
On the Coke Studio set, in the middle of a Punjabi song by the Chakwaal Group, the hoodie-clad Pakistani American rapper, and international star,Bohemia makes a dramatic entrance. He touches the feet of the eldest and lead singer of the group in respect before proceeding to do his own gig.
There is a new appreciation of Eastern cultures and practices in the post-colonial West, a new appreciation of local traditions amongst the rapidly Westernising classes in countries like Pakistan. There is a call for harmony,synthesis, balance, respect for plurality. And there is nothing as attractive and inspiring as a man who has seen the West, and seen it well, and who then returns to value the East. The same may or may not apply to a woman who returns.
Khan’s critics find it difficult to forgive him for what they see as an incomprehensible betrayal. Here is aman, educated at Oxford, and before that at Aitchison, who has lived (and in many ways still lives) a less than‘traditional’ life. So why does he persist in hanging outwith groups like JI?