A Kashmiri pandit holds a lighted earthen lamp as he prays during an annual Hindu festival at a shrine in Khirbhawani, 30 km east of Srinagar, May 31, 2009 | Photo credit: Reuters
At a meeting of Kashmiri pandit intellectuals organised at the Jagti refugee resettlement area in Nagrota tehsil on the outskirts of Jammu city by Pandit Gopi Kishen Muju, a local poet and vocal civil society activist, there is unanimous anger at the Kashmiri pandits having been driven from their ancestral homes. With infinite bitterness, Roshan Lal Raina bemoans, “We were thrown out like flies from a cup of milk”. With understated poignancy, Maharaj Krishna Bhatt adds, “We need our dharti to build ourselves; we do not have our dharti.” His sad words echo another Kashmiri pandit, Pradhyuman Krishan Kher, who had said at our seminar that what the Kashmiri pandit was looking for was his lost “izzat (honour)”.
Their opening speaker, Desh Rattan Pandita, upbraids me for having remembered them only “after a long time”. He says, “It is the Congress that set fire to Kashmir” and “the Hurriyat is the creation of the Congress”, cautioning us to remember that “Kashmiri pandits are Hindus; we are Indians”. He supplements his indictment of the Congress with the charge that all Indian parties “are against Hindus”, adding, “It is not Pakistani Muslims who have finished us; it is Hindus in office who have destroyed us”. Ravi Zutshi warns, “So long as Hindus are oppressed, Hindustan cannot last”, while Ravish Raina stresses that “if India exists, it is because of us Kashmiri pandits” and that, therefore, they must be part of any dialogue undertaken to settle outstanding matters in the state. Instead, he remarks with profound regret, “Kashmiri pandits are not given anything while Kashmiri Muslims, even those who burn the Indian flag, are celebrated”. Yet, says, Chaman Lal Raina, Kashmiri pandits are not communal for “we have looked after the Rohingya Muslims”, the largest number of whom have sought shelter in Jammu.
“We don’t even have a primary school in our colony,” says Maharaj Krishna Bhatt. I point to the huge billboards hailing Devendra Singh, the local MLA (and blood brother of Modi’s minister of state Jitendra Singh) and ask why they had not brought this to their MLA’s notice. Anger turns into a sarcastic giggle as they reply that Devendra is not their MLA because they are not allowed to vote for local candidates; their names are registered on the rolls of their respective but long-abandoned Kashmiri localities – “and”, he adds bitingly, “our names changed to Abdul Saleem or Hamid Mir before the votes are cast in the ballot box!”
Meanwhile, the many Hindu and Sikh refugees from Pakistan we met at the Jammu seminar and in Rajouri demand to know why the government privileges the Kashmiri pandits over themselves?
There are no easy answers, but it is clear that unless an intra-Jammu political dialogue enables the multi-hued Jammu region residents to come to a common position, the masla-e-Jammu could well outlast the masla-e-Kashmir.
At the same time, there is a palpably osmotic relationship between the issues in Jammu and Kashmir. Many of the grievances of the Valley find an echo in Jammu, cutting across religious and regional lines. If Kashmir wants autonomy, Jammu too seeks autonomy, as does Ladakh. These two regions (not to mention the two other regions occupied, possibly forever, by Pakistan) are as important stakeholders in the process as the residents of the Valley. Their fates are intertwined and, therefore, “holistic” acquires a special resonance in sorting out the constitutional mess in the state.
It is an altogether new beginning that is called for. The obvious point of fresh departure is to revert to October 26, 1947, as suggested by former Congress home minister P. Chidambaram. A leading Jammu lawyer, Imtiaz Mian, eloquently argues in the seminar that going back to 1947 would be the “Mother of all CBMs (confidence-building measures)”.
Everyone – literally everyone – speaks of the need for dialogue. While underlining that “nothing is more important than dialogue”, professor Ellora Puri, daughter of the late and much-venerated Balraj Puri, backed by retired Justice Saraf, stresses the key preliminary role of intra-state and intra-Jammu dialogue is to “understand the aspirations of the different regions” and “bridge regional differences”. She says, “State autonomy should be linked to regional autonomy”.
There is also virtual unanimity among all we meet, including Kashmiri pandit leader Gopi Kishen Muju, that any Delhi-Srinagar/Delhi-Jammu dialogue must be accompanied by a sustained India-Pakistan dialogue. “De facto, Pakistan is party to the whole issue,” says Muju; “so, Pakistan (perhaps even China, since a part of the state is under Chinese occupation) must be taken on board.” The inescapable need for an Indo-Pak dialogue to back up a parallel dialogue over Jammu and Kashmir is endorsed by veteran communist Comrade Shyama Prasad. Even the BJP’s leading light, Chandra Mohan Sharma, who kindly sat through the entire seminar, said the BJP “is open to dialogue” while I.J. Khajuria, a Jammu Hindu from Kathua, went so far as to advocate a “condominium over J&K of India and Pakistan jointly” to find through “cooperation between the two countries” a lasting solution to the region. To again quote Anuradha Bhasin, “The key lies in an India-Pakistan dialogue for we are joined to both countries”. Also, says journalist Afaque Hussain, civil society, including above all youth and women, must be participants in the dialogue. Sardar Narendra Singh Khalsa, chairman, Sikh Intellectuals Circle, Jammu, hits the nail on the head insisting that dialogue must be “sincere” for dialogue to succeed.
For the scores of our Jammu interlocutors over four long days, so lacking in impact has been Ram Madhav’s open offer of unconditional dialogue with all stakeholders that the only one to make any mention of this is Mir Shahid Saleem of the People’s Movement, Rajouri, an affiliate of the Hurriyat, who reiterates Geelani’s acceptance of Ram Madhav’s offer, “although earlier we used to insist on the prior condition that J&K must be accepted as a ‘dispute’”.
Mohd Shafi Dar, echoing the Jama’at- e-Islami’s complaint that “talks have been held only to fool the people”, joined several others in Jammu and Doda to demand that a “report card” be placed on the negotiating table of previous initiatives, including, above all, the autonomy resolution passed unanimously by the Jammu and Kashmir assembly in 2000 in response to P.V. Narasimha Rao’s now-notorious pledge that as far as “autonomy” for Jammu and Kashmir is concerned, “the sky is the limit”, as well as the interlocutors’ report commissioned by former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. The reports of the six working groups set up by Singh in the wake of the Rangarajan committee report were also emphasised.
There was some mention of Parvez Musharraf’s four-point formula, but the suggestion was hastily withdrawn when I reminded my audiences that the first of the four points is that there is no question of “azadi” for Jammu and Kashmir. I press home my advantage by going on to remind them of my companion ex-MLA/MP Sheikh Abdur Rahman’s remark that it took only five days for the tribal invaders from Pakistan to reach Srinagar airport in October 1947, and if they got ‘azadi’ now, Pakistan would covet the state and swallow them in five hours, let alone five days, were India to not once again come to their rescue.
Overlaying all this talk of dialogue is deep concern over religious polarisation in the state, aggravated by communal polarisation in the rest of India. Professor Ellora Puri, cited earlier, decries the on-going communal “polarisation at the national level” that is “seriously aggravating polarisation within the state”. In Doda, Abdul Qayyum Zarger’s major apprehension is that Modi wants a “Muslim-mukt Bharat”. At Rajouri, Mohd Azim Shah and Sajjad Mirza both say, “We have suffered more in the last three years than in the previous 67 years” because of the injustice being inflicted on Muslims in all of India. “We are victims,” says Azim Shah, “of a power struggle in which we are not involved”, while Mohd Maqbool Gujjar pleads, “Just end our misery; stop this oppression”.
Where do we go from here? No-holds-barred dialogue on twin tracks between New Delhi and Srinagar and New Delhi and Islamabad is the only feasible way forward. What I have learned on this visit is that given the complexity of the situation in the Jammu region, the twin tracks involving New Delhi have to be supplemented by additional twin tracks of an intra-Jammu and Kashmir and intra-Jammu dialogue. Kargil and Ladakh, where Hussain of Kargil informs us at least 15,000 families are divided between Baltistan and Kargil, must also be involved as indispensable stakeholders. It goes without saying that absolutely every community and every geographical area must be included. And, above all, what is necessary in all these dialogues is “sincerity” of purpose, as asked for by Sardar Narendra Singh Khalsa.
I don’t believe there is any “sincerity” in Ram Madhav’s offer. Perhaps Jammu and Kashmir will have to wait for another two years (or less) for an alternative dispensation to take Modi’s place.
This article was originally published in The Wire, India.
Mani Shankar Aiyar is a member of the Congress party. He served as a member of the cabinet in the Manmohan Singh government.