Newspapers being sold by the roadside on M A Jinnah Road “THE FEDERATION WILL ONLY BE STRENGTHENED BY GIVING AUTONOMY TO PROVINCES.”
As a parting shot, this headline for an editorial essay published in May this year in the weekly Sada-e-Pakhtun sums up the newspaper’s philosophy: highlighting the demands of the marginalised Pakhtuns. Its chief editor, Noorullah Achakzai, is a veteran of Pakhtun politics and community-based journalism in Karachi.
As a young man, he saw the events that followed the death of a student, Bushra Zaidi, in an April 1985 bus accident. The riots that subsequently engulfed the entire city of Karachi were deadly and pitched battles between the local Pakhtun and Muhajir communities during the time were frequent and bloody. “I was scared about the repercussions of that accident,” he tells the Herald. “It snowballed into a fight that we are still witnessing,” he says.
Sitting in a local government election office in Mohammad Khan Goth on the northern outskirts of Karachi, Noorullah recounts how he worked with three different newspapers before starting Sada-e-Pakhtun. In 1983, he worked with three of his close friends for a newspaper named Awami Awaz as honourary reporters. Ubaidullah Achakzai, the editor of Awami Awaz, lived in Azam Basti – in the Mehmoodabad area of south Karachi – and sold around 1,000 copies of the newspaper, mainly through word-of-mouth advertising in northern areas of the city such as Al-Asif Square in Sohrab Goth. The way the newspaper covered the 1985 violence earned it loyal readers in the hundreds.
Apart from covering political activities, the newspaper also carriedreports which suggested that officials of the law enforcement agencieswere conniving with drug peddlers in Sohrab Goth and Azam Basti
But then violence reached the office of Awami Awaz. “The editor was threatened by some people. They told him to shut down the newspaper or face dire consequences,” says Noorullah. “Some of us thought the threats were coming from those who were unhappy with the coverage of violence, but the threats actually came from robbers and drug peddlers operating in our own areas (in and around Sohrab Goth). They wanted the newspaper warned because they were unhappy over our coverage of their activities,” he says. To avoid getting into trouble, Ubaidullah decided to shut shop.
Noorullah then switched to another newspaper along with one of his friends, Tahir Bangash. The two eventually brought out a newspaper of their own in 2000. Called Qaumi Maslay, or the problems of the community, this was prepared and printed at I I Chundrigar Road and then distributed from Al-Asif Square. “We changed our focus a little bit with this newspaper. Though we were still covering violence, we also ensured that the problems of the people were included in our coverage,” he said. “These problems included sewerage disposal, health care, education and public transport.”
To arrange the money required for publishing the newspaper, the two came up with a novel idea: space was reserved on the front page to carry paid profiles of senior government officials. Each profile would earn the newspaper the princely sum of 1,000 rupees to 1,500 rupees. “It used to be more than sufficient for us at the time,” says Noorullah.
![Readers going through Millat, a Gujarati-language newspaper10
They also used the newspaper for political mobilisation against the military regime of General (retd) Pervez Musharraf, especially in and after May 2007. It was also on the second day of the same month that the Pakhtun Action Committee, a Pakhtun-only political forum, was launched in Karachi. The committee was at the forefront of road blockades and other political activities organised as protests against Musharraf’s “tyrannical” government. Qaumi Maslay would cover those protests very prominently, including the blood-soaked incidents of May 12, 2007, when scores of people were killed in Karachi in demonstrations over the arrival of the then deposed chief justice of Pakistan, Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, in the city.
Apart from covering political activities, the newspaper also carried reports which suggested that officials of the law enforcement agencies were conniving with drug peddlers in Sohrab Goth and Azam Basti. It was because of these latter reports that the editor, Ismail Sheerani, started receiving anonymous threats and was physically harassed too. “I was also called in [at a government office] and asked to explain what was happening at the newspaper,” says Noorullah. The newspaper was closed down in 2008 after the editorial staff could not agree on how to respond to the situation.
Soon afterwards, Noorullah and Bangash got together and applied for the declaration of Sada-e-Pakhtun. The former became its executive editor and the latter its editor. By that time Noorullah had also spent a substantial amount of time as the provincial information secretary of Awami National Party (ANP), a post he had been holding since 2003. Everyone, from transporters to drivers to gravediggers, knew him because of his participation in political activities.
They also used the newspaper for political mobilisation against themilitary regime of General (retd) Pervez Musharraf, especially in andafter May 2007
This helped Sada-e-Pakhtun gain a readership in almost all Pakhtun-dominated areas in the city including, but not limited to, Sohrab Goth, Azam Basti and Manghopir. “People praised us for our active stance on social issues,” says Noorullah and claims that, “we spoke about people regardless of the consequences.”
For a few years, putting together financial resources for the newspaper was not a problem. Noorullah’s party was happy to contribute some money in anticipation of increasing its support base among Sada-e-Pakhtun’s readers and many Pakhtun businessmen and community elders provided hefty donations to the newspaper management.
Everything was going fine until an unexpected crisis hit the newspaper. Starting in 2012, the Taliban’s influence increased in many Pakhtun localities across Karachi. This had multiple negative effects on Sada-e-Pakhtun. Firstly, its main patron, ANP, lost its political clout among the Pakhtuns and also its ability to fund the newspaper.
Secondly, the Taliban successfully diverted donations from Pakhtun businessmen and community elders to fund their own terrorist activities. And finally, Sada-e-Pakhtun became a major target of harassment and threats by the Taliban and their supporters. Unable to cope with the combined effect of these factors, the newspaper finally ceased publication in May this year.